من بهار هستم ، بهاری که در ایران نتوانست طعم بهاران آزادی را هیچ وقت نچشیدم ، زیرا از زمانی که خود راشناختم مورد نکوهش و سرزنش جامعه زن ستیز کشوری که روزی زن و مرد در ان برابر بودن قرار گرفتم که این خود شرچشمه از نظامی که با شورشی سازمان یافته شکا گرفته بود شروع شد . زندگی زنان ایران در چهل و یک سال اخر دست خوش دگرگونی های وحشتناک و فاجعه امیز تبعیض جنسیتی قرار گرفته که البته این مختص زنان نیست ، در شورش ۵۷ ایران دست خوش بیشترین صدمات قرار گرفت که چندین نسل را به سوی تباهی کشاند. در این این سالها ایران زیبای ما به ویرانه ای تبدیل شده، تمام منابع ایران نابود شد، محیط زیست ایران به تاراج رفت و منبعی برای درآمد زدایی آقازاده ها قرار گرفت. دسته دسته جوانان،زنان و مردان محکوم به زندان و اعدام شدند. جامعه ایران با معضل کولبرها، کودکان کار، سن فحشای دختران به زیر ۱۴ سال، گورهای دسته جمعی، اسید پاشی به بانوان ، تجاوز به دختران محکوم به اعدام و…. روبرو شد، که این خود بیانگر جنایات یک رژیم دیکتاتوریست. مردان سیاسی که هیچ اطلاعی از سیاست و جهان بینی ندارند و فقط برای پُر کردن جیب خود و نابودی کشور کمر همت بسته اند. رژیمی که خود را یک نظام مردم سالاری نامیده هیچ بویی از انسانیت نبرده و ملاک حکومت خود را بر مبنای مذهبی که خود با چپاول و کشتار ایران را به زیر یوغ بندگی کشیده قرار داده است، استوار کرده. من به عنوان یک بانوی ایرانی که به هیچ عنوان این نظام و روش حکومتشان را به رسمیت نمیشناسم اذعان میدارم که از حامی مردم ستم دیده کشورم هستم و تنفر خود را از رژیم اسلامی اخوندی اعلام میکنم.
بهاره سیاه منصوری
من نرگس جلالی میخواهم در رابطه با زنان و مادران، پیشتاز در سرنگونی جمهوری اسلامی مروری داشته باشم بر یکسالی که گذشتنگاهی به روند طی شده یکسال گذشته در فضای سیاسی ایران نشان میدهد، جنبش سرنگونی جمهوری اسلامی پیشروی چشمگیری داشته و زنان در این پیشروی نقش برجسته، پررنگ، سازمانده و تعیین کننده ای داشته اند.
بخش دوم؛ خیزش آبان ۹۸
حضور زنان جوان سرنگونی طلب در اعتراضات شکل گرفته آبان ماه، بسیار پر رنگ بود. طوریکه زنان آغاز کننده موج عظیم اعتراضی علیه گرانتر شدن بنزین بودند. روز پنجشنبه ۲۳ آبان ۹۸، اولین اعتراض به گرانتر شدن بنزین توسط یک زن جوان در مقابل پمپ بنزین حیدرآباد کرج صورت گرفت و همه را به اعتراضات سراسری علیه گرانی و فشارهای اقتصادی دعوت کرد.
در دل اعتراضات سراسری آبانماه نیز حضور زنان پیشرو، در رادیکالیزه تر شدن اعتراضات تاثیر چشمگیری داشت. زنی که روی پل عابر پیاده، همچون یک سخنگوی جنبش سرنگونی، علیه خامنه ای و کلیت جمهوری اسلامی با فریاد “مرگ بر تو خامنه ای”، سخنرانی میکرد، توجه های بسیاری را به خود جلب کرد و تاثیر قابل توجهی در روحیه اعتراضی علیه خامنه ای و جمهوری اسلامی در اعتراضات سراسری گذاشت.
هشت مارس روز جهانی زن امسال در حالی فرا میرسد که زنان صدف مقدم اعتراضات در مسیر سرنگونی حکومت زن ستیز و دزدسالار اسلامی بوده اند. نیمی از جامعه که توسط قوانین اسلامی و دستگاه اجرایی و قضایی همواره سرکوب شده اند، در طی چهاردهه گذشته به نیروهای محرکه و نقاط عطف جنبش سرنگونی جمهوری اسلامی تبدیل شده اند.
هشت مارس امسال بار دیگر فراخوان به دادخواهی و کیفرخواست زنان، مادران و خانواده های داغدیده علیه چهار دهه شکنجه، خشونت و جنایتهای سازماندهی شده حکومتی علیه زنان میدهیم.
با امید به آگاهی تمام اقشار جامعه و خیزش سرنگونی رژیم دیکتاتوری آخوندی حاکم بر ایران
نرگس علیدوست جلالی
جمهوری اسلامی ایران از بدو انقلاب ۱۳۵۷ تاکنون با دروغ و خشونت نظامی امنیتی به جامعه ایران حکومت می کند. سرکوب سه نسل از مخالفین و معترضین از سوی نظام جمهوری اسلامی ایران ناقض حقوق بشر میباشد و حتی جنایتهایش از مرزهای جغرافیایی خود فراتر رفته. جمهوری اسلامی با ابتدایی ترین حقوق و آزادیهای اساسی و پایه ای مردم ایران مخالفت دارد و بااتهاماتی در برخی موارد مذهبی ویا سیاسی مخالفان خود را به زندان می اندازد. ما خواهان انتخابات آزاد هستیم و از مقامات قضایی دادگاه بین المللی می خواهیم که سران جمهوری اسلامی که در راس آن علی خامنه ای رهبر ایران است در یک دادگاه بین المللی محکوم کند به خاطر اعدامهای دسته جمعی زندانیان سیاسی سال ۶۷، قتل های زنجیره ای ، عملیاتهای تروریستی خارجی و همکاری با رژیم بشار اسد، جنگ افروزی در جنگ داخلی یمن، برنامه هسته ای و موشکی ایران، تبعیض علیه زنان، سانسور علیه مطبوعات و رسانه ها، دسگیری مخالفین و اعتراف گیری خودسرانه و نمایشی از زندانیان سیاسی، اعمال مجازات های قضایی وحشیانه و قرون وسطایی مانند بریدن انگشتان دست و پا و در آوردن چشم از حدقه، اینها تنها گوشهای از دریای بیکران اتهامات سران جمهوری اسلامی است. جمهوری اسلامی یک تهدید و خطر جدی نه تنها برای مردم ایران بلکه برای کل بشرت در سراسر دنیا است. ما مردم ایران خواهان سرنگونی حکومت فاشیستی و استبدادی جمهوری ولایت فقبه هستیم. نه به جمهوری اسلامی دیکتاتور!
نه به رژیم جمهوری ایران
باور دارم انسان هرچقدر هم باگذشت باشه نمیتونه در مورد خبط این نهاد که قویترین پروپاگاندای جمهوری اسلامی محسوب میشه، بخشش و گذشت داشته باشه.
در فردای پیروزی انقلاب مردم ایران بر این نظام فاشیستی مذهبی قصد دارم این موسسه ی خبرپراکنی را به محاکمه در یک محکمه عادلانه فراخوانم:
سوء استفاده سی ساله ی بخش خبری و سیاسی بی بی سی فارسی از مالیات مردم انگلیس، برای دست یافتن به اهداف ضد بشری و غیربیطرفانه خود، مبنی بر حمایت از رژیم فاشیستی، خونریز و قرون وسطایی جمهوری اسلامی.
تلاش سی ساله برای مخالفت با هرگونه تغییر رژیم در ایران، تلاش سی ساله برای حفظ نظام مقدس جمهوری اسلامی، به بهانه ی حمایت از میانه روها و اصلاح طلبان درون حکومتی (کسانی که دستشان به خون جوانان وطن در دهه ی 60 آلوده ست). توسط سانسور اخبار، گزینش هدفمند اخبار و گزینش مغرضانه ی کارشناس جهت تحلیل خبری.
پی نوشت: بارها گفته ام که هرگز از قصد خود عقب نشینی نخواهم کرد؛ مگر آنکه در واپسین روزها، این رسانه نسبت به خواسته های بزرگ مردم ایران، انعطاف پذیری نشان داده و به نحو شایسته و بیاد ماندنی ای در راه سرنگونی نظام اسلامی، این ملت بی سلاح و مظلوم را یاری رساند.
ای کاش میشد بدون درگیری و خونریزی از شر این نظام قرون وسطایی خلاص شد.
ولی سید علی خامنه ای نشان داده است که تا آخرین لحظه ی حیاتش، از سرکوب و خونریزی دست نخواهد کشید.
او تشنه ی خون است. خون جوانان ایران زمین را دوست دارد. و از اینکه نامش در تاریخ همچون چنگیز، هیتلر ، استالین، صدام و خمینی، در ردیف خون آشام ثبت شود، ابا و واهمه ای ندارد. خون میخواهد.
هر چه میاندیشم آیا راهی وجود دارد که بدون آنکه خونی ریخته شود میتوانیم جمهوری اسلامی را پشت سر گذاریم راه به جایی نمیبرم.
در برابر واقعیت تلخی قرار گرفته ایم.
تلخ ترین واقعیت زندگی بشری. چرا که خون آشام لحظه ای به قداست خود و راهی که پیش رو گرفته، تردید ندارد.
در امر قدسی، هیچ جای تردید نیست. و حفظ این نظام مقدس، به هر نحوه ی ممکن، قدسی ترین امر و وظیفه ای ست که بر دوش سید علی خامنه ای قرار گرفته است.
دستور از بالاست… بالاتر از ابرها… بالاتر از آسمانها… ما کوچکتر از آنیم که بخواهیم در این امر قدسی، خللی وارد کنیم؛
چرا که آنکه اسلحه در دست دارد، پشیزی برای درخواستهای بشری، ارزشی قائل نیست.
من دلم گرفته. و در این دوران حساس از تاریخ ایران زمین، به شخصی فکر میکنم که گویا وجودش بر عرصه زمین، زیادی ست…
زیادی ترین و اضافی ترین موجود زنده بر زمین.
و تنها آرزویم این است که ای کاش …
ای کاش … ای کاش میشد کاری کرد تا زمین پاکیزه تر شود.
هادی نادری پور
امروزِ روز در سرتاسر دنیا دولت ها و ملت ها در صدد پایان دادن به خشونت علیه زنان هستند اما وجه تمایز جمهوری اسلامی ایران با سایر جوامع دنیا در این است که مسئله خشونت علیه زنان در ایران در سایه حاکمیت کاملا قانونی است و در نهادهای دولتی و اجرایی و همچنین در دستگاه قضا در طی سالهای طولانی عمر بلند مدت جمهوری اسلامی کاملا نهادینه شده است.
نمونه هایی از این دست عبارتند از: الزام تمکین زن به شوهر، نداشتن حق طلاق، و حضانت فرزند، نداشتن حق خروج از کشور و دارا بودن گذرنامه بدون اجازه همسر ، عدم حق قانونی انتخاب روابط فردی و اجتماعی، حجاب اجباری، ممنوعیت ورود زنان به برخی اماکن عمومی مانند استادیومها، نداشتن اجازه حق عبور و مرور با برخی وسایل نقلیه از جمله دوچرخه و موتورسیکلت، نداشتن حق آوازخوانی و رقص… و به طور کلی تبعیضات قانونی علیه زنان به جرم جنس دوم بودن.
تمام موارد فوق مصادیق بارز خشونت علیه زنان در حکومت زن ستیز جمهوری اسلامی به حساب می آید.
در تمام قوانین جمهوری اسلامی ایران که بنیان آن بر اساس قوانین دین اسلام پایه گذاری شده است، هرگز به زن به به عنوان جنس و فرد محق در جامعه نگاه نمیشود بلکه او مانند برده ای اسیر در چنگال حاکمیت و فرهنگ مردسالار مورد خشونت و تجاوز
جمهوری ضد زن اسلامی ایران از طریق رسانههای حکومتی، نهادهای اجرایی و قضایی خشونتگر و ناحقی های قانونی علیه وجود زن و تمام حقوقش، خشونت علیه زنان را اعمال میکند که همین باعث میشود تا شرایط برای خشونتهای جسمی و روحی و روانی در سطح خشونتهای خانگی و خیابانی به شدت مهیا میشود.
در همان روز های اول روی کار آمدن جمهوری اسلامی قوانینی را وضع کرده کاملا نرینه سالار که به وسیله همین قوانین زنان سالهای سال از شکل گیری این حکومت مستبد و ننگین تحت ظلم و سرکوب بوده اند. همین قوانین ضدزن مانند اهرمی محکم و قوی عامل اصلی خشونت علیه زنان بوده و خواهد بود. حتی در جزئی ترین بندهای قوانین اسلامی نظام جمهوری اسلامی ایران زن ستیزی حاکمان اسلامی به صورت آشکار و علنی دیده میشود.
من سارا صادقی، به عنوان زنی خشونت دیده که سالها در کشور ایران تحت شکنجه و خشونت چه از جانب حاکمیت چه از جانب مردانی که زیر سایه قانون شریعت همواره ظلم و زور بر من روا می داشته اند، از تمام مردم سرزمینم به خصوص زنان و دختران سرزمینم درخواست میکنم سکوت نکنند و از پا ننشینند و در مقابل این رژیم مستبد و سرکوبگر به پا خیزند و همیشه بر این باورم که انقلاب بعدی ایران یک انقلاب زنانه خواهد بود.
On Thursday, February 13th a group of Iranian set up a tent and from 15th of February at 00:00 some of them started a hunger strike and the rest of them began a sit-down strike. They want to demonstrate against the Islamic Republic of Iran and the regimes brutal behavior with the Iranian people. They want to be the voice of all Iranian asylum seekers around the world and they are asking the European countries to support them.
Strax innan jul fick en iransk konvertit avslag på sin asylansökan. Men pastorn som döpte honom i Sverige hävdar att Migrationsdomstolens återgivning av vittnesmålet är felaktigt.
”Jag vittnade om att jag träffade dig vid många tillfällen i kyrkans gemenskap, och att det i dessa möten och samtal blivit tydligt att du har en djup kristen övertygelse. … Domen återger också felaktigt vad de två samtalen handlat om i samband med dop/medlemskap. … Dessa samtal är något vi har med alla som vill låta sig bli döpt. Det är det slutgiltiga säkerställandet av det som vi sedan tidigare, i kyrkans gemenskap, har förstått. … Vi säkerställer att man har en egen personlig tro och en djup övertygelse.”
Sven Bengtsson avslutar med att konstatera att det är förvånande att Migrationsdomstolen kan dra slutsatsen att det inte har skett några djupare samtal ”när hela mitt vittnesmål handlar om att det är just det vi har haft”.
Arash Khosravi: “min klient har haft en utmärkt förmåga att berätta om sin personliga tro och kristendomens teoretiska del inför domstolen. Mot bakgrund av detta har två av nämndemännen bedömt att hans konvertering till kristendomen skett på genuin grund och att han därför riskerar att utsättas för förföljelse vid ett återvändande till Iran där konvertering från islam är förbjudet. Eftersom både min klients och Sven Bengtssons muntliga uppgifter är felaktigt återgivna i domen och domarna har varit djupt oeniga i sin bedömning av de muntliga uppgifter som har lämnats, så väcker det naturligtvis betänkligheter kring om domstolens avgörande uppfyller de rättssäkerhetskrav som ställs i svensk domstol på saklighet och objektivitet”.
Verified video footage, photographs and testimonies from victims and eyewitnesses on the ground obtained by Amnesty International confirm that Iranian security forces used unlawful force against peaceful protesters who gathered across Iran following the authorities’ admission that they had shot down a Ukrainian passenger plane on 8 January.
The evidence indicates that on 11 and 12 January security forces fired pointed pellets from airguns, usually used for hunting, at peaceful protesters causing bleeding and painful injuries. Security forces also used rubber bullets, tear gas and pepper spray to disperse protesters as well as kicking and punching them, beating them with batons and carrying out arbitrary arrests.
“It is appalling that Iran’s security forces have violently crushed peaceful vigils and protests by people demanding justice for the 176 passengers killed on the plane and expressing their anger at the Iranian authorities’ initial cover-up,” said Philip Luther, Research and Advocacy Director for the Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International.
“The use of unlawful force in the latest demonstrations is part of a long-standing pattern by Iranian security forces.”
Unlawful use of force
Testimonies and photographs obtained by Amnesty International indicate that security forces fired pointed pellets, causing painful wounds and requiring surgical treatment to remove the pellets, as well as injuries consistent with rubber bullet use. Such pellets are used for hunting small game and are completely inappropriate for use in any policing situation.
The organization’s Digital Verification Corps also verified dozens of videos showing security forces firing tear gas into crowds of peaceful protesters.
Security forces deployed on the streets, included the special forces of Iran’s police, paramilitary Basij and plain-clothes agents.
One of the videos verified by Amnesty International shows two women in Tehran lying injured and bleeding on the ground. In another video recorded nearby, a woman is seen lying on the ground in a pool of blood crying out in pain. The people helping them in the videos are heard saying they have been shot. Amnesty International has not been able to establish what type of ammunition was used to cause these injuries.
Another video shows a man with a bleeding head wound. Two X-rays obtained by Amnesty International clearly show pellets lodged in the knee joint of one protester and the ankle of another.
Amnesty International has also verified images of security forces carrying shotguns, but it is unclear what type of ammunition was loaded in them.
The organization has received messages from several injured protesters who shared photographs showing their wounds and said they did not seek hospital treatment to remove the pointed pellets that remain painfully lodged in their bodies, fearing arrest.
Security and intelligence forces are maintaining a heavy presence in some hospitals raising fears they plan to arrest patients. Amnesty International has also received information that security forces have tried to transfer some injured protesters to military hospitals. Some medical clinics and hospitals in Tehran have turned away injured people, telling them that, if the security and intelligence forces find out they were among the protesters, they will be arrested.
One man from Maali Abad in Shiraz, Fars province, who said he went to light a candle in solidarity with the plane crash victims on 12 January, said security forces outnumbered the crowd and created a “terrifying and intimidating atmosphere to frighten people away”.
“They were swearing at and beating everyone with batons all over their bodies, it didn’t matter if they were just passing by. It didn’t make any difference to them if they beat young or old, man or woman,” he said, adding that security forces also fired tear gas into the crowd. He was injured but did not seek hospital treatment for fear of arrest.
Another eyewitness, Mahsa from Tehran, described how security forces fired tear gas into the entrance hall of a metro station to stop people leaving to join the protest.
“There was so much tear gas… I was so mentally stressed and anxious that I initially didn’t even realize that I had been shot… The special forces of the police were firing pointed pellets at people. My coat is now filled with holes and I have bruises on my body… The streets were filled with armed plain-clothes agents firing shots into the air and threating to shoot people… A member of the security forces chased me when they saw me filming the protest and that’s when I was shot in the leg with a pointed pellet… I’m in a lot of pain,” she said.
Mahsa added that the authorities had threatened doctors and that she had been turned away by three medical centres and even a veterinary clinic where she sought treatment. On 14 January, she was told by a doctor in a hospital in Tehran that she had to leave the hospital immediately because, if the intelligence department (Herasat) of the hospital found out that she was among the protesters, she would be arrested.
“The situation in Iran right now is even more painful than death. They are killing us slowly; they are torturing us to death,” she said.
In several videos taken inside Shademan metro station in Tehran, people are heard saying that security forces fired tear gas inside the station. Tear gas canisters are indiscriminate and can result in serious injury and even death, especially when used in an enclosed space. They should only ever be used in a targeted response to specific acts of violence and never to disperse peaceful protesters. They must also never be used in a confined space.
In many cases the actions by the security forces violated the absolute prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment under international law.
There are reports that scores of people, including university students, have been arrested in cities where protests have taken place, including Ahvaz in Khuzestan province; Esfahan, Esfahan province, Zanjan, Zanjan province; Amol and Babol, Mazandaran province; Bandar Abbas, Hormozgan province; Kermanshah, Kermanshah province; Sanandaj, Kurdistan province; Mashhad, Razavi Khorasan province; Shiraz, Fars province; Tabriz, East Azerbaijan province; and Tehran.
Amnesty International has received information that, in at least two cities, Amol and Tehran, the authorities are denying the families of some detainees information about their fate and whereabouts, amounting to the crime of enforced disappearance under international law.
The organization also received shocking allegations of sexual violence against at least one woman arbitrarily arrested by plain-clothes security agents and detained for several hours in a police station. According to an informed source, while in detention, the woman was taken to a room where she was questioned by a security official who forced her to perform oral sex on him and attempted to rape her.
“Iran’s security forces have once again carried out a reprehensible attack on the rights of Iranian people to peaceful expression and assembly and resorted to unlawful and brutal tactics,” said Philip Luther.
“The Iranian authorities must end the repression as a matter of urgency and ensure the security forces exercise maximum restraint and respect protesters’ rights to peaceful expression and assembly. Detainees must be protected from torture and other ill-treatment and all those who have been arbitrarily detained must be released.”
The protests began on 11 January after the Iranian authorities admitted to having unintentionally shot down the Ukrainian plane, following three days of denials, at first attributing the plane crash to mechanical failure. The protests quickly expanded to include anti-establishment slogans and demands for transformation of the country’s political system, including a constitutional referendum and an end to the Islamic Republic system.
These protests follow a bloody crackdown that saw more than 300 protesters killed and thousands arrested between 15 and 18 November 2019 when Iranian security forces resorted to lethal force. Amnesty International has called on member states of the UN Human Rights Council to hold a special session on Iran to mandate an inquiry into the unlawful killings of protesters, horrifying wave of arrests, enforced disappearances and torture of detainees, with a view to ensuring accountability.
In 2019, Iran’s judiciary dramatically increased the cost of peaceful dissent, sentencing dozens of human rights defenders to decades-long prison sentences. Repressive domestic security agencies, in particular the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ (IRGC) Intelligence Organization, continue to suppress civil society activists, such as detained environmentalists, including through reported abuse and torture in detention. As broad United States sanctions impact the country’s economy and Iranians’ access to essential medicines, authorities maintain a tight grip over peaceful assembly, particularly labor-related protests.
Iranian authorities brutally repressed nationwide protests that erupted after the increase of fuel prices on November 25. Video footage and eyewitness accounts that emerged after a near total government shutdown of the internet in the country show security forces directly targeting protesters who posed no threat to life. According to Amnesty International, as of December 4, at least 208 people had reportedly been killed in the protests, and a member of the parliament estimated that security forces had arrested about 7,000 people. As of December 4, the government has refused to announce the total number of deaths, and detainees remained at great risk of mistreatment.
Iran’s judiciary and security agencies continue to use vaguely defined provisions in the penal code to arrest and prosecute activists for peaceful assembly and free expression.
On January 20, authorities arrested Ismael Bakhshi, a prominent labor activist, and Sepideh Gholian, a journalist and labor activist, after they alleged that they had been tortured when they were detained in the aftermath of sugarcane factory labor protests in November 2018. On September 7, rights groups reported that branch 26 of Tehran’s revolutionary court had sentenced Bakhshi and Gholian to 14 years and 19 years and 6 months respectively for their peaceful activism. The court also sentenced Amir Amirgholi, Sanaz Allahyari, Asal Mohammadi, and Amir Hossein Mohammadifar, members of the editorial board of a labor-related online forum called Gam, who have also been detained since January, to 18 years each in prison on similar charges. If the verdicts are upheld, each of the six labor rights defenders will have to serve at least seven years of their prison sentence. In October, authorities temporarily released the labor activists until the court of appeal issues a verdict in their case.
On May 1, plainclothes police arrested at least 35 activists who had gathered in front of the Iranian parliament in a peaceful demonstration organized by independent labor organizations. Most were released on bail, but in August branch 28 of Tehran’s revolutionary court sentenced Atefeh Rangriz, an activist, and Marizeh Amiri, a journalist, both of whom have been detained since May, to 11 years and 6 months in prison with 74 lashes and 10 years and 6 months in prison with 148 lashes, respectively. If the sentences are upheld, Rangriz and Amiri must serve at least seven-and-a-half and six years of their sentences in prison, respectively. In October, authorities released Rangiz and Amir temporarily until the court of appeal issues a verdict in their case.
On August 24, a lawyer reported that branch 15 of Tehran’s revolutionary court had sentenced Kioomars Marzban, a 26-year-old satirist, to 23 years in prison on charges including “cooperating with an enemy state.” Marzan has also been convicted of insulting authorities and sacred beliefs. If his sentence is upheld, he will serve 11 years.
In August, authorities also arrested at least 16 activists in Tehran and Mashhad who had called for resignation of Ayatollah Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader, in an open letter.
According to rights groups, Iran had executed at least 227 people as of November 1, compared to 253 in 2017.
The decrease in the total number of executions over the past two years is largely due to a 2017 amendment to Iran’s drug law that increased the requirements for imposing the death penalty for drug-related charges.
The judiciary also executed one person below the age 18 and at least 2 individuals who were sentenced to death for crimes they allegedly committed as children. Under Iran’s current penal code, judges can use their discretion not to sentence to death individuals who committed their alleged crime as children. However, several individuals who were retried under the penal code for crimes they allegedly committed as children have been sentenced to death again.
Iranian law considers acts such as “insulting the prophet,” “apostasy,” same-sex relations, adultery, and certain non-violent drug-related offenses as crimes punishable by death. The law also prescribes the inhumane punishment of flogging for more than 100 offenses, including the “disrupting public order” charge that has been used to sentence individuals for their participation in peaceful assemblies.
Scores of human rights advocates, including Narges Mohammadi and Atena Daemi, remain behind bars for their peaceful activism.
On March 11, authorities sentenced Nasrin Sotoudeh, a prominent human rights lawyer, to 33 years in prison and 148 lashes for her peaceful activism, including defending women who protested compulsory hijab laws. On April 23, the court of appeal upheld the sentence. Sotoudeh, who has been detained since June 2018, will have to serve at least 12 years in prison.
Since January 2018, authorities have detained environmentalists Houman Jokar, Sam Rajabi, Taher Ghadirian, Morad Tahbaz, Amirhossein Khaleghi, Sepideh Kashani, Niloufar Bayani and Abdolreza Kouhpayeh, all members of a local biodiversity conservation group, on accusations of espionage. Another environmentalist arrested at the time, Kavous Seyed Emami, a Canadian-Iranian professor and environmentalist, died in detention in February 2018.
While Iranian authorities claimed that he committed suicide, they have not conducted an impartial investigation into his death and placed a travel ban on his wife, Maryam Mombeini, until October. During a trial session in February 2019, Niloufar Bayani stated in the courtroom that the detained environmentalists faced psychological torture and were coerced into making false confessions. Authorities have not publicly provided any evidence concerning any of the detained environmentalists’ alleged crimes, while several senior Iranian government officials have said that they did not find any evidence to suggest that the detained activists are spies.
On March 7, Iranian leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei appointed Ebrahim Raeesi, who served on a four-person committee that ordered the execution of several thousand political prisoners in 1988, to lead Iran’s judicial branch. Iranian courts, and particularly the revolutionary courts, regularly fall far short of providing fair trials and use confessions likely obtained under torture as evidence in court. Authorities routinely restrict detainees’ access to legal counsel, particularly during the investigation period.
Several individuals charged with national security crimes, as well as human rights defenders Arash Sadeghi and Saeed Shirzad, suffered from a lack of adequate access to medical care in detention.
The IRGC’s Intelligence Organization continues to arrest Iranian dual and foreign nationals on vague charges such as “cooperating with a hostile state.” At least a dozen of these individuals remain behind bars, deprived of due process, and are routinely subjected to pro-government media smear campaigns.
Iranian women face discrimination in personal status matters related to marriage, divorce, inheritance, and child custody. A married woman may not obtain a passport or travel outside the country without the written permission of her husband. Under the civil code, a husband is accorded the right to choose the place of living and can prevent his wife from having certain occupations if he deems them against “family values.”
Iranian women, unlike men, cannot pass on their nationality to their foreign-born spouses or their children. However, after more than a decade of women’s rights activism, on October 2, the Guardian Council, a body of 12 Islamic jurists, finally approved an amended law that the Iranian parliament had passed on March 13, that now allows Iranian women married to men with foreign nationality to request Iranian citizenship for their children under age 18. A child who has already turned 18 could directly request Iranian citizenship. The law, however, required the Intelligence Ministry and the Intelligence Organization of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) to certify that there is no “security problem” before approving citizenship.
On June 26, the Supreme Court issued a unanimous opinion that obliged the state compensation fund to pay the difference in Diya, a compensation paid to a victim’s family, between men and women in cases of death and bodily injuries.
Over the past two years, Iranian courts have handed down harsh sentences to dozens of women who protested compulsory hijab laws in Iran, as well as well-known human rights defenders, including Farhad Meysami and Reza Khandan, Sotoudeh’s husband, who supported their efforts.
On July 31, branch 31 of Tehran’s revolutionary court sentenced Yasman Ariani, her mother Monireh Arabshahi, and Mojgan Keshavarz, who were all arrested for protesting compulsory hijab laws, to 5 years for “assembly and collusion to act against national security,” one year for “propaganda against the state,” and 10 years for “encouraging and providing for [moral] corruption and prostitution.” The court sentenced Keshavarz to an additional seven-and-a-half years for “insulting the sacred.” If these sentences are upheld on appeal, each woman will serve at least 10 years of their sentence.
On August 27, the court sentenced Saba Kordafshari, a 22-year-old woman who was also arrested for protesting compulsory hijab, to 15 years in prison for “encouraging and providing for [moral] corruption and prostitution,” seven-and-a-half years for “assembly and collusion to act against national security,” and one-and-a-half years for “propaganda against the state.” If the sentences are upheld, she will have to serve at least 15 years.
On September 2, Sahar Khodayari, a 29-year-old woman who was arrested in March when she tried to enter a stadium to watch a football game, set herself on fire in front of the court after she was threatened with a six-month imprisonment. Khodayari was reportedly charged with “wearing improper hijab” and “confrontation with the police.” Her death sparked domestic and international outcry with activists as well as football players calling on the International Football Federation (FIFA) to pressure Iran to overturn the ban against women attending stadiums. On October 10, Iranian authorities allowed a limited number of seats for women—around 3,000 out of 85,000 in the stadium—for an international football match. Despite this important advance, the general ban on women attending Iran’s national league games remains.
Iranian law allows girls to marry at 13 and boys at age 15, as well as at younger ages if authorized by a judge. Efforts by a number of parliamentarians to increase the minimum age of marriage have been blocked by the judicial parliamentary commission.
Iranian law vaguely defines what constitutes acts against morality, and authorities have long prosecuted hundreds of people for such acts, as well as for consensual extramarital sex.
Under Iranian law, same-sex conduct is punishable by flogging and, for men, the death penalty. Although Iran permits and subsidizes sex reassignment surgery for transgender people, no law prohibits discrimination against them.
Iranian law denies freedom of religion to Baha’is and discriminates against them. Authorities continue to arrest and prosecute members of the Baha’i faith on vague national security charges, and close down or suspend licenses for businesses owned by them. Iranian authorities also systematically refuse to allow Baha’is to register at public universities because of their faith.
The government also discriminates against other religious minorities, including Sunni Muslims, and restricts cultural and political activities among the country’s Azeri, Kurdish, Arab, and Baluch ethnic minorities.
People with disabilities face stigma, discrimination, and lack of accessibility when accessing social services, healthcare, and public transportation and may receive medical treatment, including electroshock therapy, without their informed consent. Local and national authorities have taken insufficient steps to address the situation.
During the 2018-2019 school year, only 150,000 out of an estimated 1.5 million children with disabilities of school age were enrolled in school, based on government figures, and more than half of them in special schools that segregated them from other students. Estimates put the total number of school-age children with disabilities in Iran at 1.5 million. One serious problem is a mandatory government medical test that deems some children with disabilities “uneducable” and excluded them from education all together. Other barriers include physical inaccessibility of school buildings, discriminatory attitudes of school staff, and lack of adequate training for teachers and school administrators in inclusive education methods.
The United States has increasingly targeted Iran with broad economic sanctions. While the US government has built exemptions for humanitarian imports into its sanction regime, banking restrictions have drastically constrained the ability of Iranian entities to finance such humanitarian imports, including vital medicines and medical equipment, causing serious hardships for ordinary Iranians.
In February, European Union foreign ministers adopted conclusions reaffirming support for and commitment to the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action over Iran’s nuclear activities, and expressing concerns about the human rights situation in Iran. In April, the EU renewed for one year its targeted sanctions responding to human rights violations in Iran, which are in place since 2011.
In March and in September, the European Parliament adopted resolutions on the human rights situation in Iran, focusing on human rights defenders, women’s rights, and the situation of dual nationals in Iran. The resolutions called for the release of arbitrarily detained activists, as well as an amendment to article 48 of the country’s Criminal Procedure Law to ensure that all defendants have the right to be represented by a lawyer of their choice and to a fair trial.
(Reuters) – After days of protests across Iran last month, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei appeared impatient. Gathering his top security and government officials together, he issued an order: Do whatever it takes to stop them.
That order, confirmed by three sources close to the supreme leader’s inner circle and a fourth official, set in motion the bloodiest crackdown on protesters since the Islamic Revolution in 1979.
About 1,500 people were killed during less than two weeks of unrest that started on Nov. 15. The toll, provided to Reuters by three Iranian interior ministry officials, included at least 17 teenagers and about 400 women as well as some members of the security forces and police.
The toll of 1,500 is significantly higher than figures from international human rights groups and the United States. A Dec. 16 report by Amnesty International said the death toll was at least 304. The U.S. State Department, in a statement to Reuters, said it estimates that many hundreds of Iranians were killed, and has seen reports that number could be over 1,000.
The figures provided to Reuters, said two of the Iranian officials who provided them, are based on information gathered from security forces, morgues, hospitals and coroner’s offices.
The government spokesman’s office declined to comment on whether the orders came from Khamenei and on the Nov. 17 meeting. Iran’s mission to the United Nations did not respond to a request for comment for this story.
In a statement Monday following publication of this article, a spokesman for Iran’s Supreme National Security Council described the death toll figure as “fake news,” according to semi-official Tasnim news agency.
What began as scattered protests over a surprise increase in gasoline prices quickly spread into one of the biggest challenges to Iran’s clerical rulers since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
By Nov. 17, the second day, the unrest had reached the capital Tehran, with people calling for an end to the Islamic Republic and the downfall of its leaders. Protesters burned pictures of Khamenei and called for the return of Reza Pahlavi, the exiled son of the toppled Shah of Iran, according to videos posted on social media and eye witnesses.
That evening at his official residence in a fortified compound in central Tehran, Khamenei met with senior officials, including security aides, President Hassan Rouhani and members of his cabinet.
At the meeting, described to Reuters by the three sources close to his inner circle, the 80-year-old leader, who has final say over all state matters in the country, raised his voice and expressed criticism of the handling of the unrest. He was also angered by the burning of his image and the destruction of a statue of the republic’s late founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
“The Islamic Republic is in danger. Do whatever it takes to end it. You have my order,” the supreme leader told the group, one of the sources said.
Khamenei said he would hold the assembled officials responsible for the consequences of the protests if they didn’t immediately stop them. Those who attended the meeting agreed the protesters aimed to bring down the regime.
“The enemies wanted to topple the Islamic Republic and immediate reaction was needed,” one of the sources said.
The fourth official, who was briefed on the Nov. 17 meeting, added that Khamenei made clear the demonstrations required a forceful response.
“Our Imam,” said the official, referring to Khamenei, “only answers to God. He cares about people and the Revolution. He was very firm and said those rioters should be crushed.”
Tehran’s clerical rulers have blamed “thugs” linked to the regime’s opponents in exile and the country’s main foreign foes, namely the United States, Israel and Saudi Arabia, for stirring up unrest. Khamenei has described the unrest as the work of a “very dangerous conspiracy.”
A Dec. 3 report on Iran’s state television confirmed that security forces had fatally shot citizens, saying “some rioters were killed in clashes.” Iran has given no official death toll and has rejected figures as “speculative.”
“The aim of our enemies was to endanger the existence of the Islamic Republic by igniting riots in Iran,” said the commander-in-chief of the elite Revolutionary Guards Corps, Hossein Salami, last month, according to Iranian media.
The Revolutionary Guards declined to comment for this report.
Iran’s interior minister said on Nov. 27 more than 140 government sites had been set on fire along with hundreds of banks and dozens of petrol stations, while 50 bases used by security forces were also attacked, according to remarks reported by Iran’s state news agency IRNA. The minister said up to 200,000 people took part in the unrest nationwide.
“SMELL OF GUNFIRE AND SMOKE”
For decades, Islamic Iran has tried to expand its influence across the Middle East, from Syria to Iraq and Lebanon, by investing Tehran’s political and economic capital and backing militias. But now it faces pressure at home and abroad.
In recent months, from the streets of Baghdad to Beirut, protesters have been voicing anger at Tehran, burning its flag and chanting anti-Iranian regime slogans. At home, the daily struggle to make ends meet has worsened since the United States reimposed sanctions after withdrawing last year from the nuclear deal that Iran negotiated with world powers in 2015.
The protests erupted after a Nov. 15 announcement on state media that gas prices would rise by as much as 200% and the revenue would be used to help needy families.
Within hours, hundreds of people poured into the streets in places including the northeastern city of Mashhad, the southeastern province of Kerman and the southwestern province of Khuzestan bordering Iraq, according to state media. That night, a resident of the city Ahvaz in Khuzestan described the scene by telephone to Reuters.
“Riot police are out in force and blocking main streets,” the source said. “I heard shooting.” Videos later emerged on social media and state television showing footage of clashes in Ahvaz and elsewhere between citizens and security forces.
The protests reached more than 100 cities and towns and turned political. Young and working-class demonstrators demanded clerical leaders step down. In many cities, a similar chant rang out: “They live like kings, people get poorer,” according to videos on social media and witnesses.
By Nov. 18 in Tehran, riot police appeared to be randomly shooting at protesters in the street “with the smell of gunfire and smoke everywhere,” said a female Tehran resident reached by telephone. People were falling down and shouting, she added, while others sought refuge in houses and shops.
The mother of a 16-year-old boy described holding his body, drenched in blood, after he was shot during protests in a western Iranian town on Nov. 19. Speaking on condition of anonymity, she described the scene in a telephone interview.
“I heard people saying: ‘He is shot, he is shot,’” said the mother. “I ran toward the crowd and saw my son, but half of his head was shot off.” She said she urged her son, whose first name was Amirhossein, not to join the protests, but he didn’t listen.
Iranian authorities deployed lethal force at a far quicker pace from the start than in other protests in recent years, according to activists and details revealed by authorities. In 2009, when millions protested against the disputed re-election of hardline President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, an estimated 72 people were killed. And when Iran faced waves of protests over economic hardships in 2017 and 2018, the death toll was about 20 people, officials said.
Khamenei, who has ruled Iran for three decades, turned to his elite forces to put down the recent unrest — the Revolutionary Guards and its affiliated Basij religious militia.
A senior member of the Revolutionary Guards in western Kermanshah province said the provincial governor handed down instructions at a late-night emergency meeting at his office on Nov. 18.
“We had orders from top officials in Tehran to end the protests, the Guards member said, recounting the governor’s talk. “No more mercy. They are aiming to topple the Islamic Republic. But we will eradicate them.” The governor’s office declined to comment.
As security forces fanned out across the country, security advisors briefed Khamenei on the scale of the unrest, according to the three sources familiar with the talks at his compound.
The interior minister presented the number of casualties and arrests. The intelligence minister and head of the Revolutionary Guards focused on the role of opposition groups. When asked about the interior and intelligence minister’s role in the meeting, the government spokesman’s office declined to comment.
Khamenei, the three sources said, was especially concerned with anger in small working-class towns, whose lower-income voters have been a pillar of support for the Islamic Republic. Their votes will count in February parliamentary elections, a litmus test of the clerical rulers’ popularity since U.S. President Donald Trump exited Iran’s nuclear deal — a step that has led to an 80% collapse in Iran’s oil exports since last year.
Squeezed by sanctions, Khamenei has few resources to tackle high inflation and unemployment. According to official figures, the unemployment rate is around 12.5% overall. But it is about double that for Iran’s millions of young people, who accuse the establishment of economic mismanagement and corruption. Khamenei and other officials have called on the judiciary to step up its fight against corruption.
“BLOOD ON THE STREETS”
Officials in four provinces said the message was clear — failure to stamp out the unrest would encourage people to protest in the future.
A local official in Karaj, a working-class city near the capital, said there were orders to use whatever force was necessary to end the protests immediately. “Orders came from Tehran,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity. “Push them back to their homes, even by shooting them.” Local government officials declined to comment.
Residents of Karaj said they came under fire from rooftops as Revolutionary Guards and police on motorcycles brandished machine guns. “There was blood everywhere. Blood on the streets,” said one resident by telephone. Reuters could not independently verify that account.
In Mahshahr county, in the strategically important Khuzestan province in southwest Iran, Revolutionary Guards in armored vehicles and tanks sought to contain the demonstrations. State TV said security forces opened fire on “rioters” hiding in the marshes. Rights groups said they believe Mahshahr had one of the highest protest death tolls in Iran, based on what they heard from locals.
“The next day when we went there, the area was full of bodies of protesters, mainly young people. The Guards did not let us take the bodies,” the local official said, estimating that “dozens” were killed.
The U.S. State Department has said it has received videos of the Revolutionary Guards opening fire without warning on protesters in Mahshahr. And that when protesters fled to nearby marshlands, the Guards pursued them and surrounded them with machine guns mounted on trucks, spraying the protesters with bullets and killing at least 100 Iranians.
Iran’s authorities dispute the U.S. account. Iranian officials have said security forces in Mahshahr confronted “rioters” who they described as a security threat to petrochemical complexes and to a key energy route that, if blocked, would have created a crisis in the country.
A security official told Reuters that the reports about Mahshahr are “exaggerated and not true” and that security forces were defending “people and the country’s energy facilities in the city from sabotage by enemies and rioters.”
In Isfahan, an ancient city of two million people in central Iran, the government’s vow to help low-income families with money raised from higher gas prices failed to reassure people like Behzad Ebrahimi. He said his 21-year-old nephew, Arshad Ebrahimi, was fatally shot during the crackdown.
“Initially they refused to give us the body and wanted us to bury him with others killed in the protests,” Ebrahimi said. “Eventually we buried him ourselves, but under the heavy presence of security forces.” Rights activists confirmed the events. Reuters was unable to get comment from the government or the local governor on the specifics of the account.
Verified video footage, eyewitness testimony from people on the ground and information gathered from human rights activists outside Iran reveal a harrowing pattern of unlawful killings by Iranian security forces, which have used excessive and lethal force to crush largely peaceful protests in more than 100 cities across Iran sparked by a hike in fuel prices on 15 November, said Amnesty International today.
At least 106 protesters in 21 cities have been killed, according to credible reports received by Amnesty International. The organization believes that the real death toll may be much higher, with some reports suggesting as many as 200 have been killed. State media have reported only a handful of protester deaths, as well as the deaths of at least four members of the security forces.
Video footage shows security forces using firearms, water cannons and tear gas to disperse protests and beating demonstrators with batons. Images of bullet casings left on the ground afterwards, as well as the resulting high death toll, indicate that they used live ammunition.
“The authorities must end this brutal and deadly crackdown immediately and show respect for human life,” said Philip Luther, Research and Advocacy Director for the Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International.
“The frequency and persistence of lethal force used against peaceful protesters in these and previous mass protests, as well as the systematic impunity for security forces who kill protesters, raise serious fears that the intentional lethal use of firearms to crush protests has become a matter of state policy.”
Top government officials including Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei have issued statements describing protesters as “villains” and giving security forces a green light to crush demonstrations.
Under international law, security forces may only resort to the use of lethal force when strictly unavoidable to protect against imminent threat of death or serious injury.
Amnesty International is also calling on the Iranian authorities to respect the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and freedom of expression, including through lifting the near-total block on internet access designed to restrict the flow of information about the crackdown to the outside world.
Hundreds of demonstrators blocked roads, using their parked cars as a form of protest. Verified video footage reviewed by Amnesty International shows riot police smashing windows of cars with drivers still inside.
According to eyewitness accounts corroborated by video footage reviewed by Amnesty International, snipers have also shot into crowds of people from rooftops and, in one case, a helicopter.
While most of the demonstrations appear to have been peaceful, in some instances, as the crackdown by security forces escalated, a small number of protesters turned to stone-throwing and acts of arson and damage to banks and seminaries.
“Even if a small minority of protesters have resorted to violence, police must always exercise restraint and use no more force than is strictly necessary, proportionate and lawful in response to the violence they are facing. Violence by a few individuals does not justify a widespread reckless response,” said Philip Luther.
Several eyewitnesses have said that security forces have been taking away dead bodies and injured people from roads and hospitals. In a pattern consistent with past practices, intelligence and security forces have refused to return the bodies of many of the victims to their families or have forced families to bury their loved ones in a rushed manner and without an independent autopsy to establish the causes and circumstances surrounding the deaths. This is contrary to international law and standards on the investigation of unlawful killings.
State media reported that, as of 17 November, more than 1,000 protesters had been arrested since the protests began.
Among those detained is human rights defender Sepideh Gholian, who was arrested on 17 November after taking part in the protests by peacefully holding up a sign about the petrol prices. Her whereabouts are currently unknown and Amnesty International fears that she is at risk of torture and other ill-treatment, in light of the authorities appalling track record of torturing detained human rights defenders.
“Anyone detained solely for peacefully taking part in demonstrations, expressing support for them or criticizing the authorities must be immediately and unconditionally released. All detainees must be protected from torture and other ill-treatment,” said Philip Luther.
The organization is calling for immediate action from the international community, including the UN and the EU, to hold the Iranian authorities to account for carrying out unlawful killings and violently repressing the right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.
On 16 November, less than a day after the protests began, the authorities implemented an ongoing near-total shutdown of the internet, shutting off nearly all means of online communications for people inside Iran. The resulting information blackout is a deliberate attempt by the authorities to prevent people from sharing images and videos of the deadly force being used by security forces.
According to the NGO NetBlocks, Iran’s connectivity to the outside world has fallen to 4% of ordinary levels since the protests began. All mobile networks have been disconnected and there is a near-total national internet and telecommunication blackout, although some users have still been able to access the internet through the use of virtual private networks (VPNs) and other means.
“Shutting down communications over the internet is a systematic assault on the right to freedom of expression and suggests that the authorities have something to hide. Iranian authorities must immediately lift all restrictions on access to the internet and social media to allow people to share information and freely express their opinions,” said Philip Luther.
Systematic and co-ordinated crackdown
Various government officials including the Supreme Leader, president and head of the judiciary have demonized the protesters and warned that security forces will confront protesters with force.
On 16 November, Iran’s interior minister said that the authorities will no longer show “tolerance” and “self-control” towards the protesters, despite mounting reports of protester casualties.
During a speech on 17 November, Iran’s Supreme Leader described the protesters as “villains” who were incited to violence by counter-revolutionaries and foreign enemies of Iran. He ordered security forces to “implement their duties” to end the protests, effectively giving the green light for the brutality to continue.
Judicial and security bodies have also sent threatening mass text messages warning people to stay away from “illegal gatherings” or face legal action.
“Instead of giving a green light to brutality, the Iranian authorities must rein in their security forces to prevent further bloodshed. The long-standing pattern of impunity for unlawful killings and injuries in Iran is bound to continue unless independent impartial investigations are conducted into all suspected instances of arbitrary and abusive use of force, and those who commit such serious crimes and violations are held to account,” said Philip Luther.
“The UN and individual member states must publicly denounce Iran’s bloody crackdown. They should press the Iranian authorities to give access to independent human rights observers to hospitals and detention centres in the country, lift the blocking of the internet and invite UN mandate holders to conduct fact-finding visits.”
Protests erupted on 15 November following a sudden government announcement about a fuel price hike which will have a detrimental impact on people who are already struggling amid Iran’s economic crisis. Some demonstrators have chanted slogans calling for a radical overhaul of the political system and some have burned posters of Iran’s current and former Supreme Leaders.
Below is a breakdown, by city and province, of the 106 deaths reported so far to Amnesty International. The organization obtained the information from reports whose credibility and reliability it has ascertained by interviewing journalists and human rights activists involved in gathering them. It has then crosschecked the information.
- Abadan, Khuzestan province: 2
- Ahvaz, Khuzestan province: 2
- Bandar-e Mahshahr and its suburbs, Khuzestan province: 14
- Behbahan, Khuzestan province: 8
- Boukan, West Azerbaijan province: 4
- Boumehen, Tehran province: 2
- Esfahan, Esfahan province: 1
- Islamshahr, Tehran province: 1
- Javanroud, Kermanshah province: 14
- Karaj, Alborz province: 4
- Kermanshah, Kermanshah province: 16
- Khoramshahr, Khorramshahr province: 3
- Mariwan, Kurdistan province: 9
- Ramhormoz, Khuzestan province: 6
- Robatkarim, Tehran province: 4
- Sadra, Fars province: 6
- Sanandaj, Kurdistan province: 1
- Shahriyar, Tehran Province: 1
- Shiraz, Fars province: 6
- Sirjan, Kerman province: 1
- Tehran, Tehran province: 1
Amnesty International is working to verify further reports of killings of protesters throughout Iran.
Unprecedented steps towards justice for the victims of the 1988 prison massacres have been taken by the governments of Sweden, Belgium and Liechtenstein in recent weeks, sending a message to the Iranian authorities that those responsible for crimes against humanity will not escape justice, Amnesty International said today. The developments should prompt the international community to establish a long overdue UN investigation.
The international community must publicly condemn the deterioration in Iran’s human rights record during the country’s upcoming review session at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on 8 November, Amnesty International said today.
The organization urges states taking part in Iran’s Universal Periodic Review (UPR) to denounce the widespread human rights violations and make concrete recommendations for the Iranian authorities to address them.
“From horrific execution rates, to the relentless persecution of human rights defenders, rampant discrimination against women and minorities, and ongoing crimes against humanity, the catalogue of appalling violations recorded in Iran reveals a sharp deterioration in its human rights record,” said Philip Luther, Research and Advocacy Director for the Middle East and North Africa at Amnesty International.
“Iran’s upcoming UN human rights review session offers a crucial opportunity for the international community to send a strong and clear message to the Iranian authorities that its shocking disregard for human rights will not be tolerated.
“It is also an opportunity for states to place increased attention on the ongoing enforced disappearance of thousands of political dissidents over the past three decades, a crime against humanity which has been overlooked for far too long by the international community.”
Since Iran’s human rights record was last reviewed in 2014, the level of repression by the authorities has risen significantly.
Thousands of people have been rounded up for expressing their views or taking part in peaceful demonstrations and a vindictive crackdown has been launched against human rights defenders, including activists campaigning against forced veiling laws, in order to destroy the last vestiges of Iran’s civil society.
The authorities have further eroded fair trial rights and have executed more than 2,500 people, including juvenile offenders, in blatant violation of international law.
In a submission to the UN Human Rights Council ahead of the session, Amnesty International concluded that Iran is “failing on all fronts” when it comes to human rights.
The organization is calling on the country’s authorities to lift restrictions on the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, end discrimination against women and minorities, impose an immediate moratorium on the use of the death penalty, and end torture and other ill-treatment, unfair trials and ongoing crimes against humanity.
During its last review session, Iran accepted just 130 out of the 291 recommendations it received from other states. Amnesty International’s analysis indicates that the Iranian authorities have failed to deliver on the majority of those promises.
Iran rejected calls during its last UPR to protect the rights of human rights defenders, stop their harassment and release those imprisoned for peacefully exercising their rights to freedom of expression, association and assembly.
“Instead of strengthening co-operation with civil society and human rights organizations, as Iran had pledged to do, the authorities have instead further undermined these rights, intensifying their crackdown on dissent,” said Philip Luther.
Those unjustly imprisoned include journalists, artists and human rights defenders including lawyers, women’s rights defenders, minority rights activists, labour rights activists, environmental activists and those seeking truth, justice and reparations for the 1988 prison massacre.
Some of those jailed have been given shockingly harsh prison sentences, in some cases lasting several decades.
Human rights lawyer Amirsalar Davoudi was sentenced to 29 years and three months in prison and 111 lashes for his human rights work and is required to serve 15 years of this sentence. Lawyer and women’s rights defender Nasrin Sotoudeh was sentenced to 38 years and 148 lashes for her peaceful activism and is required to serve 17 years of her sentence.
As well as continuing to subject women and girls to discrimination in law and practice, Iran’s authorities have rejected ratification of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and failed to criminalize gender-based violence, including marital rape, domestic violence and early and forced marriage.
Women’s rights defenders, including those who have campaigned against Iran’s discriminatory and degrading forced veiling laws, have faced arbitrary arrest, detention, torture and other ill-treatment, unfair trials and lengthy prison sentences. They have also faced harassment and abuse by pro-government vigilantes for defying such laws.
Iran also continues to deny defendants the right to a fair trial, including by refusing them access to lawyers during investigations and trials, and continues to convict people based on “confessions” extracted through torture and other ill-treatment.
The authorities have a dreadful record of flouting prisoners’ right to health, deliberately denying medical care to prisoners of conscience, often as punishment, amounting to torture and other ill-treatment. Human rights defender Arash Sadeghi continues to be tortured through the denial of cancer treatment.
Meanwhile, in a relentless execution spree, more than 2,500 people have been put to death since Iran’s last UPR session, including at least 17 who were under 18 at the time of the crime, in flagrant violation of international law.
he Iranian authorities also continue to commit the ongoing crime against humanity of enforced disappearance by systematically concealing the fate or whereabouts of several thousand imprisoned political dissidents who were forcibly disappeared and extrajudicially executed in secret between July and September 1988.
“The Iranian authorities must reverse the catastrophic deterioration of their human rights record,” said Philip Luther.
“That means releasing prisoners of conscience, ending the persecution of human rights defenders, granting defendants the right to a fair trial and putting an end to their grotesque use of the death penalty by establishing an immediate moratorium with a view to abolishing it completely.
“It also means immediately disclosing the truth regarding the fate of victims of the 1988 massacres, stopping the destruction of mass grave sites containing the remains of the victims, and bringing to justice those suspected to be responsible for these crimes against humanity.”
A 31-year-old Iranian asylum seeker, Bahareh Zarebahari, may be at risk of being deported to Iran where she could face detention and torture, said Amnesty International today. A decision on her case is reported to be imminent. She is entering her fourth week in detention, trapped in the transit area of Manila’s main airport.
“Bahareh Zarebahari has been a vocal critic of the Iranian authorities and a public opponent of forced veiling. If the Philippines authorities send her to Iran she risks arrest, torture and other ill-treatment, and unfair trial and imprisonment,” said Nicholas Bequelin, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East and Southeast Asia.
“The Philippines authorities have an obligation under international law to refrain from sending anyone to a country where they could be at risk of serious human rights violations.”
Zarebahari, who has lived in the Philippines for the past five years and represented Iran at the 2018 Miss Intercontinental beauty pageant in Manila, was detained upon arrival in Manila from Dubai on 17 October 2019. Philippine authorities acted on an Interpol Red Notice placed on her by Iranian authorities. She has still not been told what charges she faces in Iran.
She has since been held in a room in Terminal 3 of Manila’s Ninoy Aquino international airport. According to reports, the Red Notice relates to an offence the Iranian authorities allege she committed in Iran in 2018 but Zarebahari says she has not travelled to Iran since 2014. In her social media posts on Facebook and Instagram, she has claimed that the Iranian authorities want to punish her for her opposition to the Islamic Republic.
A dentistry student in the Philippines, Zarebahari has been vocal about her support for Iran’s former crown prince, Reza Pahlavi. During the 2018 beauty contest in Manila, she waved a poster of Reza Pahlavi and draped herself in the former national flag of Iran, which bears the lion and sun emblem that has become associated with the deposed royal family.
In a media interview on 21 October, Zarehbahari said that her problems in the Philippines began after she participated in the beauty pageant. She said she began receiving threatening messages from an official in the Iranian embassy in the Philippines who told her she had to visit the embassy questioning.
“It’s appalling that she has been detained for so long in airport transit, in such dismal conditions,” said Nicholas Bequelin. “The Philippines authorities have a clear international legal obligation to keep her safe and not return her to Iran, where she could face human rights violations.”
In a series of messages on her social media accounts on Facebook and Instagram, Zarebahari says that airport authorities have detained her like a prisoner and denied her any visitors besides limited access to her Philippines lawyers. She has been shouted at while trying to sleep, is exposed to bright lights 24 hours a day, and has no access to hot water. She says her physical and mental health have deteriorated by her three-week detention. She has not been sleeping and suffers from constant headaches.
Zarebahari says that three weeks ago, security guards handcuffed her, pulled her by her hair, arms and legs and tried to force her on a plane to Iran. In recent days, despite her pending asylum case, airport authorities tried to coerce her to sign papers agreeing to her deportation to Iran. In recent Facebook posts, she says that she has no update from the Philippines authorities about her case, though, according to some reports, a decision on her case is imminent.
Previously, Markk Perete, Undersecretary at the Philippine Department of Justice, said that “the only reason she was held at the airport […] is only because of that Red Notice issued against her.”
On 6 November, Philippines Senator and Amnesty International Prisoner of Conscience Leila de Lima raised concerns about Bahareh Zarebahari’s case and urged the Philippines government to consider her asylum application in compliance with international human rights law.
Under international law, all states are entitled to regulate access and residence of foreigners on their territory and return people who are irregularly present on their territory to their country of origin. However, like any other state, the Philippines is bound by the principle of non-refoulement, which is the cornerstone of refugee law, enshrined in customary international law. Under this principle, governments are prohibited from sending anyone to a country where they would be at risk of serious human rights violations.
Armin Najafali rymde till Sverige 2014. Från första dagen han anlände i Sverige har han varit medlem i samma kyrka som sin mamma har varit aktiv medlem i under många år. Han är en av de nykristna från Iran som öppet visar sitt stöd för alla sina bröder och systrar som kämpar för sina mänskliga rättigheter i Iran. Som han själv har sagt: -”jag blir starkare med hjälp av Jesus Kristus – ingenting kan hindra mig från att fortsätta på vägen som jag har valt”. Armin har bjudit in folk till kristendomen – svarat på deras frågor och delat olika stycken ur Bibeln på sin Facebooksida. Han har visat sitt stöd för olika religiösa minoritetsgrupper i Iran på sin blogg. T.ex. har han skrivit i sin blogg om situationen i Iran för nykristna personer och om hur de blir brutalt behandlade av regimen i Iran. Han har även visat sitt stöd till den nya kampanjen # من نفر پانزدهم هستم (Jag är 15de personen) på sin egen Facebook-sida och Shahrvandyar-sidan på Facebook. Jag är 15de personen, är en kampanj som började med ett öppet brev undertecknat av 14 politiska aktivister i Iran, inriktat mot People of Iran, och kallar Ali Khamenei att avgå sin tjänst som högsta ledare efter en 20-årig mandatperiod. Veckor efter att brevet släpptes gav 14 kvinnliga aktivister i Iran ett liknande uttalande den 5 augusti 2019. Dessa kvinnor sa att teokratiskt styre har lett till ett “köns-apartheid” och “raderat” rättigheterna för hälften av landets befolkning; De uppmanade Khamenei att avgå. Från och med september 2019 har 16 av 28 undertecknare som är bosatta i Iran arresterats. Armin har skrivit en artikel som har blivit publicerad i både Shahrvandyar och Got free give free group i Facebook. Han har där skrivit om vilka problem han möter som en kristen även när han inte bor i Iran längre, samt hur skamlös Irans utrikesminister och Irans regim är som förnekar orättvisor mot personer såsom Armin. Han har fått både positiv och negativ återkoppling, där några hotar honom eller säger fula ord till honom och några personer stödjer Armin. Enligt Armin själv: -”Jag kommer inte sluta min kamp – jag vill hjälpa folk att känna Kristendomens sanna natur och Jesus kärleksbudskap. Irans regim målar en falsk bild av hur Kristendomen och dess utövare är – jag vill visa folk att kristendomen handlar om kärlek och vänskap, inte om våld och hämnd som Irans regim påstår att den gör”.